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June 4, 2007

Ex Ante Compensation for Military Death

Ex Ante Compensation for Military Death--Posner

The public is upset by the casualties that our soldiers are suffering in the Iraq war, and it might seem that their upset would cause no puzzlement even to an economist. But there is an economic puzzle. It is this. Ours is an all-volunteer military. No one is forced to join. Everyone who does join realizes that he may find himself in a combat zone. This is an expected cost of military employment and in a competitive labor market will be reflected in the wage. That is, the wage rate in a competitive labor market will compensate a worker for any risks that the particular employment can be expected to create--a proposition that goes back to Adam Smith. If the risk materializes, the employee has no cause to complain, provided it was the risk that he understood the job involved or should have understood it involved when he signed up for it, because he was compensated in advance. Yet that is not how the public views our military casualties. That is the economic puzzle which I address.

What is not puzzling is why the families and friends of a killed or injured soldier grieve. Ex ante compensation for a loss does not wipe out the loss, even if it is a purely financial loss. It just provides the inducement to bear the risk of incurring the loss. One's spouse might consent to one's working at a very dangerous job, yet still grieve when one was killed at the job.

Nor is it a puzzle why, as in the recent search for the three American soldiers captured by the enemy in Iraq, immense resources are devoted to rescuing soldiers, rather than writing them off as having consented ex ante to their plight. The compensating wage for bearing risk varies, obviously, with the risk, and the risk in turn depends on efforts that are and will be made to minimize the risk, including body armor, rescue, medical treatment, and so forth. Knowing that one's fellow soldiers do not just abandon one when the cost of rescue would be disproportionate to any tactical value of the rescue reduces the wage that a volunteer army has to pay to attract soldiers of the quality it wants.

But the question remains how to explain the upset that the public feels at our mounting casualties in the Iraq war. Is it just shock at seeing photographs of dead and badly injured Americans? But in fact such photographs are rarely shown. Or is it perhaps that the risk of death and injury is greater than our soldiers had reason to expect when they signed up? Were this the concern, one would expect sympathy to be withdrawn from soldiers killed or injured who signed up within the last two years, for by two years ago it was clear that a great many recruits would be fighting in Iraq before the war ended. The case of soldiers who joined the military before the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks indicated that the United States could be expected to be involved in more military operations than previously anticipated might be thought different. But most of those soldier completed their military obligation and so be allowed to resign without penalty years ago. The situation of those who "re-upped" is no different from that of recent recruits.

Could there be a paternalistic concern--that recruits are not calculating the risk of death or injury accurately and as a result are not receiving an adequately compensatory wage differential over a safe job? This is unlikely. One reason is that a great, and probably unobtainable, amount of information would be required in order to calculate that differential. The risk of death or injury in combat is an example of what statisticians describe as "uncertainty" rather than "risk," reserving the latter term for situations in which a numerical probability can be estimated. The incidence and length of wars, the probability of serving in a combat zone and for how long, and the amount and severity of the fighting in that zone are all imponderables. The resulting uncertainty argues for an alternative to building ex ante compensation into the soldier's wage when he is hired. Hence the practice of paying combat pay as a bonus to the soldier's ordinary wage. At present, soldiers serving in combat zones, mainly Iraq and Afghanistan, receive $225 a month as combat pay on top of their regular wage. The $7,000 bonus paid Marines who agree to be deployed to a combat zone for seven months is a similar response to the difficulty of fixing conventional ex ante compensation.

A further complication is illuminated by the economic concept of monopsony. The term refers to a situation in which there is no competition on the buying side of the market, as distinct from no competition on the selling side (monopoly). In a monopsonized market sellers receive less than they would in a competitive market because of their lack of alternatives. Persons who join the military to obtain or exercise technical skills have civilian alternatives, so the military has to compete with civilian employers for the services of such persons. But if you want to be a combat soldier, there is only one possible employer (if you are an American) and that is the U.S. government. So the government can pay a low wage to persons desiring that employment--in fact it seems that it can pay a lower wage than it does to its military technicians (adjusting for the value of the technical training that the latter receive) even though the latter are less exposed to combat risks.

I suspect that the main reason for public distress at U.S. military casualties is altruism, which is stronger in a family setting but extends to strangers as well, as in charitable giving. Most people are grateful to those who protect them, even if the protectors are well compensated. But what of those Americans who believe that our involvement in Iraq is a mistake and that our soldiers, or at least most of them, should be withdrawn? Most of the critics of the war realize that the soldiers are trying to protect us, even if the soldiers are mistaken in believing that they are doing so. If anything, critics feel sorrier for the troops than supporters of the war, because they think that the casualties represent sheer loss, so that the soldiers are deluded as well as endangered.

Comment on Military Pay-BECKER

Posner raises an important issue: why do Americans (and persons of other nationalities) grieve so much when American military personnel (or the military personnel of these nations) are killed during military actions, even when those killed had volunteered for military service? In addition to the reason he stresses-the altruism of Americans toward their military personnel- I believe two other factors are important.

Although the pay required to attract volunteers rose after casualties began to appear in large numbers in Iraq, it did not rise by a large amount. Yet even small increases in the probability of losing one's life are valued highly when young persons are asked to take on the risks found in different civilian occupations. When directly applied to military risks, these estimates suggest that if the Iraq war increased the chances of dying to a typical new member of the American military force by one percent per year of service, this would require about a $3000 increase in pay for each year of service for each person in the military. The amount would be considerably higher for those who knew they would be posted into military action in Iraq, and would be higher in general if one percent is lower than the true risk.

The actual increases that have been required to attract volunteers have been much lower than $3,000 per person serving in the military. This suggests that those young men and women who have volunteered are attracted for other reasons than the higher compensation paid to undertake these military risks. One compelling other reason would be patriotism on their part, and a resulting desire to serve their country. Americans feel considerable indebtedness to its military personnel who lose their lives in combat when their enlistments have been due to such non-financial assessments of the risk to their lives from becoming members of the armed forces during wartime. This indebtedness to those killed for volunteering as least in part for patriotic reasons would explain why there is considerable concern and regret over those who die while serving in combat zones. The same concern applies to policemen who are killed in the line of duty because many are assumed also to be serving because of their interest in protecting the public from criminals.

This reflection on the motives for serving shows up in the difference in attitudes toward the usual volunteers for military service, and the attitudes toward "mercenaries". A mercenary is assumed to be serving mainly for monetary reasons rather than for patriotism. For that reason, their deaths causes less concern and mourning on the part of the civilian populations that they are protecting. To be sure, some of the volunteers serving may not have strong patriotic motivation, but they too gain sympathy since it is impossible to tell them from the very patriotic members of military service.

A second explanation for the great concern about those killed in Iraq is that volunteers enlist under the implicit expectation that the military will take appropriate steps to protect those serving in as effective a manner as possible. There is a widespread perception that the war has been fought with inadequate understanding of the enemy, and insufficient protection of American personnel serving in combat-related positions. That would mean the country has let its military personnel down. This belief about inadequate protection of its military enlistees has led to guilt, and the "altruism" that Posner refers to, toward those serving and dying in Iraq while fighting a war that has not been conducted very well.